m 



\ 



giasir®®^ 



OF THE 



BATTLE OF BREED'S HILL, 



BY 



MAJOR-GENERALS WILLIAM HEATH, HENRY LEE, JAMES 
WILKINSON AND HENRY DEARBORN. 



COMPILED BY CHARLES COFFIN. 



D. C. C01.ESW0RTHY, PRINTER. 

1835. 



/ 



Having for years been satisfied that the accounts of Breed's Hill Battle, 
as given by Gordon, Warren, Ramsey and Marshall, are defective and im- 
perfect, I have been induced to publish the transaction of that memorable 
event, as given by four American Major Generals, who were either in the 
action or had the best possible opportunities of being fully acquainted with 
the details of it. And who from their profession were better qualified to 
give a full and fair narrative, than any others who have undertaken it. To 
which are added the depositions of a number of highly respectable gentle- 
men who were eye witnesses of and partakers of the glory of that proud day. 

The following sheets, it is believed, will give a more full and accurate 
view of the troops engaged, by whom commanded, and all the transactions 
of the day, than any narrative extant. 

My objects are truth and justice to the living and the dead. 

Portland. THE COMPILER. 



[copy-right secured according to law.] 



v/' 




£&^T^2£>is <^^ B^^m^^^ m^^E>^ 



An Account of the Battle of Bunker'' s or Breed^s Hill, extracted 

from the Memoirs of Ma jor- General Wm. Heath, printed 

and published August, 1798. 

In the month of June, it was determined to take possession 
of the heights of Charlestown. Preparations were made for 
the purpose; and on the 16th, at night, a strong detachment 
from the American army marched on, and broke ground on 
Breed''s Hill, in front of Bunker's Hill. The latter ought to 
have been taken possession of at the same time, but it was 
somehow omitted. 

By the morning of the 17th, the troops had a redoubt and 
line on its left flank in good forwardness, when they were dis- 
covered by the British. The lively man of war first began to 
cannonade the Americans; she was soon seconded by other 
ships, floating batteries, and some cannon on Cop^s Hill, on ihe 
Boston side, which the Americans bore with a good degree of 
firmness, and continued at their work. The British army in 
Boston were greatly alarmed at this near approach, and im- 
mediately resolved on an attack, before the works could be com- 
pleted. A detachment was formed for the purpose, consisting 
often companies of Grenadiers, ten of Light Infantry, and the 
5th, 38th, 43d, and 52d regiments, and a corpse of Artillery^ 
under the command of Maj. Gen. Howe, and Brig. Gen. Pigot. 
In the afternoon they landed on Charlestown Point without op- 
position, where they were afterwards reinforced by the 47th 
regiment and the first battalion of marines. The regiments in 
Cambridge camp were ordered down to support the detach- 
ment at Charlestown, and to occupy other posts thought to be 
essential, and contiguous thereto. The British began their at- 
tack with a severe fire of artillery, and advanced in a slow and 
regular pace. The Americans who had marched on to the aid 
of the detachment, consisted ot the New Hampshire, Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut troops, hastily formed a line of de- 
fence, composed of rails and other materials found nearest at 
hand. This line extended down towards the low ground on the 
left, and was nobly defended. The Americans reserved their 
fire until the British came very near, when they gave it to great 
eflTect; it staggered, and even broke them, but they rallied, and 
returned to the charge again and again, drove the Americans 
from the lines on the left of the redoubt, and had nearly sur- 
rounded it, when the Americans rushed out of the redoubtj 



their ammunition being expended, and made their retreat, even 
through part of the British forces. About this time Maj. Gen. 
Warren, who had been but a few days before commissioned, 
and was then on the hill as a spectator only, was killed. A 
number of Americans were killed in retreating from Breed's 
Hill, to Bunker Hill, and some in passing off over the neck. 
Perhaps there never was a better fought battle than this, all 
things considered; and too much praise can never be bestowed 
on the conduct of Col, William Prescott, who, notwithstanding 
any thing that may have been said, ivas the proper commanding 
officer, at the redoubt, and nobly acted his part as such, during 
^ the whole action. 
w Just before the action began, Gen. Putnam came to the re- 
doubt, and told Col. Prescott that the entrenching tools must 
be sent off, or they would be lost; the Colonel replied, that if 
he sent any of the men away with the tools, not one of them 
would return; to this the General answered, they shall every 
man return. A large party was then sent off with the tools, 
and not one of them returned; in this instance the Colonel was 
the best judge of human nature. In the time of action. Col. 
Prescott observed that the brave Gen. Warren was near the 
works; he immediately stepped up to him, and asked him if he 
had any orders to give him. The General replied that he had 
none, that he exercised no command there — ' The command,' 
said the General, ' is yours.' 

While many officers and soldiers gallantly distinguished them- 
selves in this action, others were blamed, and some were 
brought to trial by court-martial. This was a sore battle to the 
British, who did not forget it, during several campaigns, nor 
until a tide of successes in their favor had removed it from 
their minds. Their whole force on this day, which was in ac- 
tion, was supposed to be about 2,000, and their whole loss, in 
killed and wounded, was said to be upwards of 1,000, of whom 
226 were killed, and of these, 19 were commissioned officers, 
including one Lieutenant Colonel, two Majors, and seven Cap- 
tains. Another account stated their killed and wounded to be 
753 privates, 202 sergeants and corporals, and 92 commission- 
ed officers; in the whole, 1047. The loss of the Americans, 
in killed, wounded, and prisoners, was about 450. 

At the time the British made their attack, the houses in 
Charlestown were set on fire, and burnt most furiously, which 
increased the horrors of the scene. At the same time a furious 
cannonade and throwing of shells took place at the lines on 
Boston neck, against Roxbury, with intent to burn that town; 
but although several shells fell among the houses, and some 
carcasses near tliem, and balls went through some; no other 
damage was sustained than the loss of one man killed by a 
shot driving a stone from the wall against him. 



Reflections on the Campaigns of Sir William Howe, on his re- 
signing the command of the British Armies in America, with 
an incidental account of the battle of Bunker'' s Hill, extracted 
from Major General Henry Lee'^s ^Memoirs of the War in the 
Southern Department of the United States j^ Published 1812. 

It is impossible to pass over this period of the American war 
without giving vent to some of those reflections which it neces- 
sarily excites. Sir William Howe was considered one of the 
best soldiers in England, when charged with the important 
trust of subduing the revolted colonies. ]Never did a British 
General, in any period of that nation, command an army bet- 
ter fitted to insure success than the one submitted to his direc- 
tion, whether we regard its comparative strength with that op- 
posed to it, the skill of the othcers, the discipline and cour- 
age of the soldiers, the adequacy of all the implem<ents and 
munitions of war, and the abundance of the best supplies of every 
sort. In addition, his brother Lord Howe commanded a pow- 
erful fleet on our coast, for the purpose of subserving the 
views, and supporting the measures of the commander in chief. 
Passing over the criminal supineness which marked his conduct 
after the battle of Long Island, and the fatal mistake of the 
plan of the campaign 1777, (the first and leading feature of 
which ouijjht to have been junction with Burgoyne and the un- 
disturbed possession of the North river) we must be permitted 
to look at him with scrutinous though impartial eyes, when pur- 
suing his own object and directed b}' his own judgment, after 
his disembarkation at the head of the Chesapeake. 

We find him continuing to omit pressing the various advan- 
tages he dearly gained, from time to time. He was ever ready 
to appeal to the sword, and but once retired from his enemy. 
But he does not seem to have known, that to win a victory 
was but the first step in the actions of a great captain. To 
improve it is as essential; and unless the first is followed by the 
second, the conqueror ill requites those brave companions of 
his toils and perils, to whose disregard of difl[iculties and con- 
tempt of death he is so much indebted for the laurel which en- 
twines his brow; and basely neglects his duty to his country, 
whose confidence in his zeal for her good, had induced her to 
commit to his keeping, her fame and interest. 

After his victory at Brandywine, he was, by his own official 
statement, less injured than his adversary; yet with many of 
his corps, entire and fresh, we find him wasting three precious 
days, with the sole ostensible object of sending his wounded to 
Wilmington. Surely the detachment, charged with this ser- 
vice, was adequate to their protection on the field of battle, 
as afterwards on the march; and certainly it required no great 
exertion of mind to have made this arrangement in the course 



1 



of one hour, and to have pursued (he beaten foe, at'ter the re- 
freshments and repose enjoyed in one night. This was omit- 
ted. He adhered to the same course of conduct after the bat- 
tle of Germantovvn, when the ill-boding tidings, from the north- 
ern warfare, emphatically called upon him to press his victory, 
in order to compensate for the heavy loss likely to be sustained 
by the captivity of Burgoyne and his army. But what is most 
surprising, after the Delaware was restored to his use, and the 
communication with the fleet completely enjoyed, that he should 
have relinquished his resolution of fighting Washington at 
White Marsh, having ascertained by his personal observation, 
that no material difficulty presented itself on the old York road, 
by which route he could, with facility, have turned Washing- 
ton's left, and have compelled him to a change of position with 
battle, or to a perilous retreat. And last, though not least in 
magnitude, knowing as Sir William ought to have known, the 
sufferings and wants of every kind to which Washington was 
exposed at Valiey Forge, as well as that his army was under 
innoculation for the small pox, while he himself was so abun- 
dantly supplied with every article requisite to give warmth and 
comfort to his troops, it is wonderful how he could omit ventur- 
ing a winter campaign, to him promising every advantage, and 
to his antagonist, menacing every ill — this too, when the fate 
of Burgoyne was no longer doubtful, and its adverse influence 
on foreign powers unquestionable, unless balanced by some 
grand and daring stroke on his part. The only plan practica- 
ble was that above suggested; an experiiiier.t urged by all the 
consideration which ever can command high spirited enterprise. 
These are undeniable truths; and they involve an inquisi- 
tive mind in a perplexity not easy to be untangled. It would 
be absurd to imj>ute this conduct I'o a want of courage in Sir 
William Howe; for all acknowledge that he eminently posses- 
sed that quality. Nor can it be justly ascribed to either indo- 
lence of disposition, or a habit of sacrificing his duties to self 
care; for he possessed a robust body, with an active mind, 
and although a man of pleasure, subdued, when necessary, its 
captivating allurements with facility. To explain it, as some 
have done, by supposing him friendly to the revolution, and 
therefore to connive at its success, would be equally stupid and 
unjust, for no part of Sir William's life is stained with a single 
departure from the line of honor. Moreover, traitors are not 
to be found among British Generals, whose fidelity is secured 
by education, by their grade and importance in society, and by 
the magnificent rewards of government sure to follow distin- 
guished efforts. The severe admonition, which Sir William 
had received from the disastrous battle of Bunker's, or rather 
Breed's Hill, furnishes the most probable explanation of this 
mysterious inertness. On that occasion, he commanded a body 



of chosen troops, inured to discipline, and nearly double itl 
number to his foe; possessed of artillery in abundance, prepare 
ed in the best manner; with an army at hand teady to re-in- 
force him, and led by officers, many of whom had s^ign service, 
all of whom had been bred to arms. Ilis enemy was a *;orps of 
countrymen, who, for the first time, were unsheathing their 
swords; without artillery; defectively armed with fowling piec** 
es, and muskets without bayonets; destitute of that cheering 
comfort, with which experience animates the soldier; with no 
other works than a slight redoubt, and a slighter trench, termi- 
nating in a yet slighter breastwork. 

Sir William found this feeble enemy posted on the margin, 
and along the acclivity of the hill, commanded by Col. Prescott,* 
then unknown to fame; yet Sir William beheld these brave 
yeomen — while the conflagration of a town was blazing in 
their faces, while their flanks were exposed to maratime an- 
noyance, and their front was assailed by regulars in proud ar- 
ray under the protection of cannon in full discharge — re- 
ceive the terrible shock with firmness, coolly await his near 
approach and then resolutely pour in a charge, which disciplined 
courage could not sustain. He saw his gallant troops fly — 
afterwards brought to rally with their colors, and indignant at 
the repulse, return with redouble fury. Sir William again 
saw these daring countrymen, unappalled in heart, unbroken 
in line, true to their generous leader, and inbred valor, calmly 
reserving themselves for the fatal moment, when his close ad- 
vance presented an opportunity of winging every ball with 
death. Again the British soldiers, with the pupil of the im- 
mortal Wolfe at their head, sought safety in flight. Restoring 
his troops to order. Sir William Howe advanced the third time, 
supported by naval co-operation, which had now nearly dem- 
olished our slender defences. Notwithstanding this tremend- 
ous combination. Sir William saw his gallant enemy maintain 
their ground, without prospect of succor, until their ammuni- 
tion was nearly expended: then, abandoning their works as the 
British entered them, they took the only route open to their es-* 
cape with decision and celerity. 

*The honor conferred upon Col. Prescott was only a promotion in the ar- 
my soon after established ; and this, the vvriter was informed by a gentleman 
residing in Boston, who was well acquainted with Col. Prescott, consisted 
only in the grade of Lieut. Col. in a regiment of infantry. Considering him- 
self entitled to a, regiment, the hero of Breed's Hill would not accept a sec- 
ond station. Warren, who fell nobly supporting the action, was the favorite 
of the day, and has engrossed the fame due to Prescott. Bunker's Hill too 
has been considered as the field of battle, when it is well known that it wa3 
fought on Breed's Hill, the nearest of the two hills to Boston. No man re- 
veres the character of Warren more than the writer ; and he considers him- 
self not only, by his obedience to truth, doing justice to Col. Prescott, but 
performing an acceptable service to the memory of the illustrious Warren, 
who, being a really great man, would disdain to wear laurels not his own. 



The sad and impressive experience of this murderous day 
sunk deep into t2ie mind of Sir William Howe; and it seems 
to have its in/Iuence on all his subsequent operations,\vith deci- 
sive con^'ol- In one instance only did he ever depart from 
the most pointed circumspection; and that was, in the assult 
on Ked Bank, from his solicitude to restore the navigation of 
the Delaware deemed essential to the safety of his army. — 
The doleful issue of this single departure renewed the solemn 
advice inculcated at Breed's Hill, and extinguished his spirit 
of enterprise. This is the only way in which it seems to me, 
the mysterious inertness which marked the conduct of the Brit- 
ish General, so fatal in its effect to the British cause, can be 
intelligibly solved. 

The military annals of the world rarely furnish an achieve- 
ment which equals the firmness and courage displayed on that 
proud day by the gallant band of Americans; and it certainly 
stands first in the brilliant events of our war. 

When future generations shall inquire where are the men who 
gained the highest prize of glory in the arduous contest which 
ushered in our nation's birth — Upon Prescott and his com- 
panions in arms will the eye of history beam. 



'A rapid sketch of the Battle of Breed'' s Hill.'' By Maj . Gen. 
James Wilkinson^ Published, 1816. 

On the augmentation of his force in May, 1775, Gen. Gage 
determined to occupy the heights of Dorchester to the South of 
Boston, and those of Charlestown on the north of the town; 
the occupation of these points was not only necessary to the 
extension of his quarters, but indispensable to his holding of 
them. It was therefore determined in the first instance to seize 
upon Dorchester heights, as they were the most commanding, 
and of easiest access to the provincials. Preparations were 
accordingly made, and agreeably to the plan concerted, Major 
General Howe was to have landed at the point of the peninsula 
nearest the castle; Major General Clinton on the flat between 
that place and Nook's Hill, whilst Major General Burgoyne 



was to take post on the neck, and amuse the provincials at 
Roxbury with a heavy cannonade; and from the srength, dis- 
position, and equipments of those corps at that period, no ef- 
fectual opposition, could have been made to this operation 
of the royal army, and a few days more would have put it in 
possession of Bunker's Hill also. 

The arrangements of General Gage, preparatory to those' 
meditated operations, necessarily attracted the observtion o^ 
the inhabitants of Boston, and being communicated to the Pro- 
vincial Congress, they became jealous of some hostile move- 
ment, without being able to penetrate the object of it. It ap- 
pears probable that under this impression, they recommended 
to a council of war, which had been instituted, the fortification 
of Dorchester neck and Bunker's Hill, on the ground of 
pre cautionary defence^ the very same motive by which the 
council of British officers had been actuated; for if the views 
of the provincial Congress had been offensive, the heights of 
Dorchester could not have escaped their attention, because 
from thence both the town and harbor were exposed to annoy- 
ance. 

The resolution of the provincial council of war being taken, 
Col. Prescott, a man of strong mind and dauntless resolution, 
who, I understand, had served in the seven years war as a 
provincial subaltern, seconded by a Colonel Brewer, who also 
served in the same war as a sergeant of rangers, was ordered 
with one thousand Massachusetts men, to take possession of 
Bunker's Hill, but whether by mistaking the spot, which seems 
improbable, Colonel Prescott passed the crown of Bunker's 
Hill about 600 yards, and broke ground on Breed's Hill, about 
1200 yards from the British Battery on Cop's Hill in North 
Boston; he there projected regular squares, as well as I can 
recollect,* of fifty yards, without a flanking angle, the front of 
which, towards Boston, ranged about N. E. and S. W. with 
the entrance or aperture in the center of the opposite side; a 
parapet breast high had been thrown up, and a retrenchment^ 
from the N. E. angle of the ditch in front, had been pushed 
about 100 yards down the declevity towards Mystic river, with 
the apparent design of continuing it across a hollow or inden- 
ture of the surface, to the bank of that river; from the N. E. 
angle of the redoubt, in rear, a post and rail fence, ranging 
with the N. E. side of the redoubt, ran back about 200 yards, 
where it was intersected neatly at right angles by a similar 
fence, extended about 300 yards to the bank of the Mystic riv- 
er, which at the junction was 8 or 9 feet perpendicular height; 
in front of the last line offence from the bank of the Mystic 
river, the ground was smooth, without obstruction, declining 

*I examined it the 17th of March, 1776, the day the enemy evacuated 
Boston, 



10 

gently 60 or 80 yards, where it fell off abruptly. The bank of 
the Mystic river appeared firm and flat. These details are 
given from memoranda taken hastily, almost forty-one years 
since, and therefore 1 crave consideration, should they be in 
any particular imperfect. This rectangular work of Colonel 
Frescott's was so far advanced, that his men were pretty well 
covered in the ditch and retrenchment, and behind the parapet, 
before he was discovered in the morning, although the I^ively 
frigate lay immediately before him in the ferry way between 
Charlestovvn and Boston, and a ship of the line, with the Fal- 
con sloop of'vvar, a few hundred yards to the eastward. The 
batteries of these vessels, and several gunboats, with that on 
('op's Hill, were opened against the Provincials as soon as they 
were discovered, and the cannonade was continued without 
cessation; but from the elevation of the hill, with so little ef- 
fect, that the Americans continued their work. 

The Britisii General was started by this encroachment, 
which left him no time to deliberate; for although Bunker's 
Hill would have given little annoyance to Boston, Breed's 
Hill positively commanded the northern part of it. Major 
General Howe, therefore, being first for duty, was ordered 
with ten companies of grenadiers, and ten of light infantry 
and the 5th, 38th, 43d and 52d regiments, to dislodge the Pro- 
vincials; and on this service, seconded by Brigadier General 
Pigot, he embarked in barges about noon, and rowed to 
Morton's point, the eastern extremity of the peninsula of 
Charlstown, and the present site of the Navy Yard of the U. 
States, where he landed and formed without opposition; but 
disliking the disposition and aspect of the Provincials, he or- 
dered his troops to set down, and sent back to Boston for a 
reinforcement, to land and co-operate from the side of Charles- 
town; for which service the 47th regiment and 1st battalion of 
marines were detached; and yet this corps of Sir William 
Howe, composed of five regiments, one battalion, and twenty 
flank companiesjhas been generally reported at about 2000 men; 
but surely 64 companies, at least, cannot be reckoned for less 
than 3000, and this number I shall claim, for the honor of 
Prescott and Stark, and the yeomanry of Massachusetts and 
New Hampshire, who, 1 have been assured by several spec- 
tators of the action, were the only troops engaged, and that the 
whole number did not exceed 1500 combatants. General 
Howe halted at Morton's point, as well to arrange and refresh 
his corps for combat, as to wait the reinforcement; being per- 
fectly concealed from observation in his front by the nature of 
the ground. Prescott, at the same time manned his redoubt, 
and the retrenchment, and occupied the circunijacent ground 
in the most advantageous manner he could, with about 800 
men out of the one thousand ordered for the service; whilst 



11 

General Putnam and a Colonel Gerrish took post with about 
1,500 men, on and around Bunker's Hiil. In the mean time, 
Colonel Stark, with his own reoriinent and that of" Reed's from 
New Hampshire, amouting to about 700 men, half organized,* 
and wretchedly equipped,^ were pressing for the scene of ac- 
tion; Captain H. Dearborn, (lately a Major-eeneral, and turn- 
ed out of service by the good President Madison, to make 
room for his favorites Brown and Scott) marched on Colonel 
Stark's right, traversed the causeway under a heavy cross fire 
from floating batteries, and passed General Putnam on Bun- 
ker Hill, with Col. Gerrish by his side, 1,000 or 1,200 men 
under their orders; as this corps of citizen soldiers approached 
the redoubt under the cannonade of the enemy's batteries from 
Charles' river, and Cop's Hill, Colonel Stark determined to 
form his men behind the post and rail fences before described; 
but when he reached the bank of Mystic, he cast his eyes down 
upon the beach, and as he observed to me on the spot, thoujjht 
it was so plain a way that the enemy could not miss it; he 
therefore ordered a number of his boys to jump down the bank, 
and with stones from the adjacent walls, they soon threw up a 
strong breast work to the water's edge, behind which he post- 
ed triple ranks of his choice men; in the mean time, those who 
formed in rear of the fences, to conceal themselves from the 
enemy, filled the space between the rails with grass and hay, 
behind which they either knelt or sat down, every man having 
made an aperture in the grassy rampart, through which, while 
resting his fusee, he could take deliberate aim. 

Captain Dearborn was posted with his company nearest the 
redoubt, on the right of Stark's line. About one o'clock Gen. 
Howe put two columns and a detachment with his artillery in 
motion; one column marched by the beach, and his light in- 
fantry led the other on the margin of the bank of the Mystic, 
and directly to the left of Colonel Stark's line; the detach- 
ment and artillery, from the best information I have been able 
to procure, inclined towards his left, and commenced a feeble 
attact against the redoubt at long shot, apparently with a de- 

*The men liastily chose their company officers, but Stark had for his Afa- 
jor, Andrew McCleary, Esq. who had been distinguished tor his resolution, 
zeal and patriotism, in planning and leading the attack of the castle at Ports- 
mouth, the 1st Dec, 1774, and seizing the ordinances, arms, and military 
stores found therein ; he had this day discharged his duty witli great gal- 
lantry in the field, and escaped unhurt, but returning to bring off some men 
scattered in the rear, he was killed by a cannon ball from one of the ene- 
my's tloating batteries near the neck. 

t The men were armed with fusils of various calibres, each individual was 
furnished with one quarter of a pound of powder in a horn, one flint, and 
lead sufficient to make fifteen charges eitlier of ball or buck shot ; the men 
prepared their ammunition according to their discretion, some with catridges 
and others with loose ammunition ; the powder in their horns, and the lead 
in their pockets. 



12 

sign to draw the nttention of Col. Prescnft, wliilst llie column 
on the heach, and that on the bank of the Mystic, were dcsign- 
fd to turn the flank and gain the rear of the Provincials on 
Breed's flill, which they would have accomplished, if they 
had not been driven back. Col. Stark's orders to his men, 
who were concealed behind the stone wall on the beach, were 
not to fire until the front of the enemy reached a point which 
he had marked in the bank at eight or ten rods distance, and 
those on the bank immediately under his eye, were directed to 
reserve their fires until they could seethe enemy's half gaiters, 
which from the form of the ground, would bring them within 
the same distance; in this situation of the Provincials, the col- 
umns of the enemy on the beach and the bank advanced by 
heavy platoons, without firing, as if not apprised of what await- 
ed them, and when within the prescribed distance, received a 
volley which mowed down the whole front ranks, and the col- 
innns were instantly broken and fell back in disorder, that on 
the beach, entirely out of .the combat, having ninety-six* men 
killed outright, before they could escape the American fire; on 
the banks the light infantry fell back until covered by the 
ground, then re-formed, and again advanced to the attack, and 
were again repulsed with similar slaughter; three times were 
these brave unfortunate men led to the charge, and were final- 
ly repulsed. I Sir William Howe now gave up his first plan of 
attack, to force his way into the rear of the Provincials, and 
making an entire new disposition, he directed his whole force 
against the redoubt, attacking it on three sides at the same 
time. Gen. Clinton, with the 47th regiment and the battalion 
of marines on the right; Gen. Pigot with the 5th, 38th and 43d 
regiments, in the center; and the Commander, with the gren- 
adiers and 52d regiment on the left; the light infantry appear 
to have been put /lors de combat. 

The retrenchment was turned on the left and entered by 
the grenadiers, but being exposed to the perpendicular fire of 
the redoubt and the oblique fire of Captain Dearbon, they 
were obliged to abandon it. Assailed in his front and flank by 
three fold numbers, Prescott persevered with great obstinacy 
and valor, until his ammunition was nearly expended and the 
redout was forced by the grenadiers at the angle, which joined 
the retrenchment. He was then obliged to give away, and his 
men retreated in disorder. After the third repulse of the light 
infantry, and whilst the attact was carried against the redoubt, 

*Mi*. John Winslow, then in Boston, I understand, counted this number 
the next day. This gentleman served with much reputation in the Artille- 
ry of the Revolution, and was at tiie capture of Burgoyne, and has been long 
since a Major-general in the Militia of Massachusetts. 

t I had these details from Col. Stark on the field, the 17th of March, 1776, 
and 1 remember his observing, ' the dead lay as thick as sheep in a foal ; ' it 
\vas at this point the enemy suffered most severely. 



13 

Stark's men behind the post and rail fence near the M/stic 
were unassailed and unoccupied, and the scenes near the re- 
doubt being obscured by the smoke, they were induced to re- 
treat reluctantly after the work was carried. If they had been 
thrown forward, where the light infantry linally gave way, to at- 
tack Sir William's right flank and rear, the issue of this con- 
flict might have proved unfortunate for him; or if General 
Putnam had moved up with Col. Gerrish and the men who re- 
mained stationary within 600 yards of the combat, which lasted 
an hour and a half, the triumph of the provincials would have 
been decisive, and those of the British corps who were not kil- 
led must have surrendered, which would probably have termi- 
nated the contest, and prevented the disseverment of the Brit- 
ish empire; but I understand from high authority, that it was in 
vain Col. Prescott sent messenger after messenger to entreat 
Gen. Putnam to come to his succor; he rode about Bunker's 
Hill, while the battle raged under his eye, with a number of 
entrenching tools slung across his horse, but did not advance a 
step, and was passed, with Col. Gerrish at his side, by Stark 
and Dearbon, as they retreated, near the spot where they saw 
him when they advanced; and for this conduct Col. Prescott 
never ceased to reprobate the General. In respect to the pat- 
riot. Doctor Warren, whose acknowledged talents and virtues, 
and zeal and devotion to the cause of his country, have conse- 
crated his memory to endless time, he arrived at the redoubt a 
short time before the action commenced, and on his appear- 
ance, being known as a general officer recently appointed, the 
gallant Col. Prescott addressed himself to him, and demanded, 
* Doctor Warren, do you come here to take command?' ^ No, 
Colonel,' replied the Doctor, ' but to give what assistance 1 
can, and to let these damned rascals sec,' pointing to the Brit- 
ish troops, ^ that the Yankees will fight.'* I understood he 
performed his duty with his firelock, and it is certain he fell in 
the retreat, in the rear of, and a little to the right of the re- 
doubt, it is said, hy a random shot through the head. 

The sanguinary merits of this combat would not disgrace 
Chippewa or Bridgwater; but in this case the liberties of 
North America formed the ground of combat, whilst in the 
other military eclat and individual exaltation were alone con- 
tended for. The loss of the provincials were 453 all ranka 
included, among whom, Dr. Warren, Col. Gardner, Lieutenant 
Colonel Parker, Major McClarey and Major Moore were 
the only charactei"^ of distinction. The loss of the British of 
all ranks was 1054, of whom 19 commission officers were kil- 
led, and among them one Lieutenant Colonel, two Majors, 
and seven Captains; and seventy were wounded. Such were 

»Thi3 fact is taken from the lips of Dr. Eustis.our Minister at the Hague^ 
who was present in the redoubt. 



14 

the immediate fruits of this battle, but its effects were co-ex- 
tensive with the American war, leaving impressions on the 
mind of the British commander which saved the country from 
great loss of blood and heavy calamities. This isolated sketch 
being intended as a mere record of facts little known, it may 
be proper to state, that between Prescott and Stark there was 
no preconcert or plan of co-operation: each fought his distinct 
corps, and defended his ground, according to his own judg- 
ment, and there was no general command exercised on the field: 
as soon as the men were stationed, every one reasoned and re- 
solved for his country, under the direcion of his own will; and 
the consequences shew what cannot be denied, that one de- 
liberate, v.ell directed shot, is worth a hundred and twenty 
thrown away hy platoon or file firing, in the ordinary hurry of 
military actions, j) articular ly under the shade of night, and at 
600 yards distance. Gen. Ward the Commander in Chief, lis- 
tened to the thunder of the battle from his quarters in Cam- 
bridge; and all the reinforcements which arrived at Bunker's 
Hill, after Col, Stark had passed, halted and kept company 
with Gen. Putnam and Col. Gerrish. The Col. was cashier- 
ed, but the General, being distinguished for his popularity, his 
integrity and patriotism, served as third in command at the ter- 
mination of the American Revolution. 

The habits and feelings of our countrymen at the commence- 
ment of the revolution have been described in the beginning of 
this volume, and when contrasted with those of the present 
day, they will receive a favorable award irom every virtuous 
and reflecting citizen, while the youth of the present day, 
whether reared in military academies or metropolitan schools, 
though they may be taught to call ambition virtue, will find 
among their predecessors examples worthy of any age or na- 
tion, in which ambition was united with the sentiments of love 
of country and inseparable from social virtue. Those, then, 
who desire to stifle in the rising generation, that God-like sen- 
sibility, which weeps over the sufferings of a fellow creature, 
or to impair the force of the divine injunction which teaches 
man ' to do as he would be done by,' instead of instructing his 
son in the civil arts and useful sciences, should encourage mili- 
tary academies, and teach them how to wield the saber or to 
set the squadron, and 

' To know the hardships of a lengthened war. 
What treasures it must cost, what scenes of blood, 
What vast expen^ses, what unnumbered foils, 
Equipping fleets and mustering armies ask.' 

The following animated description of the battle of Breed's 
Hill and its attendant horrors, from the pen of one of the most 
elegant scholars and accomplished gentlemen of the day,* will 

* Gen. Burgoyne. 



15 

exhibit to the people of these States, the barbarian influence of 
military education and habits on the human mind, and will 
shew them how men accustomed to scenes of horror and dis- 
tress, may be charmed by the savage sublimity of blazing towns 
and bleeding hosts, to the dissolution of the first duties and ob- 
ligations of intelligent social beings, and the extinction of the 
endearing and consoling virtues of humanity and religion. 

* And now ensued one of the greatest scenes of war that can 
be conceived; it we look at the height, Howe's corps ascending 
the hill in the face of intrenchments, and in a very disadvan- 
tageous ground, were much engaged, to the left the enemy 
pouring in fresh troops by thousands over the land; and in the 
arm of the sea our ships and floating batteries cannonading 
them; straight before us a large and noble town, in one great 
blaze, the church steeple and heights of our own camp covered 
with spectators of the rest of the army, which was not engaged; 
the hills round the country covered with spectators; the ene- 
my all in anxious suspense; and the roar of cannon, mortars 
and musketry; the crash of churches, ships upon the stocks, 
and whole streets falling together in ruins, to fill the ear; the 
storm of the redoubts, with the objects above described, to fill 
the eye; and the reflection that perhaps a defeat was a final 
loss to the British empire in America, to fill the mind, made 
the whole picture a complication of horror and importance, be- 
yond any thing that ever came to my lot to witness.' 



An account of the Battle of Bunker's Hill, by Major General 
Henry Dearbon^ Published 1818. 

On the 16th of June, 1775, it was determined that a fortified 
post should be established at or near Bunker's Hill. 

A detachment of the army was ordered to advance early m 
the evening of that day, and commence the erection of a strong . 
work on the heights in the , rear of Charlestown, at that time cal- 
led Breed's Hill, but from its proximity to Bunker's Hill, the 



16 

battle has taken its name from the latter eminence, which 
overlooks it. 

The work was commenced and carried on under the direction 
of such engineers as we were able to procure at that time. It 
was a square redoubt, the curtains of which were about 60 or 
70 feet in extent, with an intrenchment, or breast work, ex- 
tending 50 or 60 feet from the northern angle, towards Mystic 
river. 

In the course of the night the ramparts had been raised to 
the height of 6 or 7 feet, with a small ditch at their base, but it 
was in yet a rude and imperfect state. Being in full view from 
the northern heights of Boston, it was discovered by the enemy, 
as soon as the daylight appeared, and a determination was im- 
mediately formed by Gen. Gage, for dislodging our troops 
from this new and alarming position. Arrangements were 
promptly made for effecting this important object. The move- 
ment of the British troops indicating an attack, were soon 
discovered, in consequence of which, orders were immediately 
issued for the march of a considerable part of our army to re- 
inforce the detachment at the redoubts on Breed's Hill; but 
such was the imperfect state of discipline, the want of knowl- 
edge in military science, and the deficiency of the materials of 
war, that the movement of the troops was extremely irregular 
and devoid of every thing like concert — each regiment ad- 
vancing according to the opinions, feelings or caprice of its 
commander. 

Col. Stark's* regiment was quartered in. Medford, distant 
about four miles from the point of anticipated attack. It then 
consisted of thirteen companies, and was probably the largest 
regiment in the army. About ten o'clock in the morning he 
received orders to march. The regiment being destitute of 
ammunition, it formed in front of a house occupied as an arse- 
nal, where each man received a gill cup full of powder, fifteen 
balls and one flint. 

The several Captains were then ordered to march their com- 
panies to their respective quarters, and make up their powder 
and ball into cartridges, with the greatest possible despatch. 
As there were scarcely two muskets in a company of equal 
calibre, it was necessary to reduce the size of the balls for ma- 
ny of them; and as but a small proportion of the men had car- 
tridge boxes, the remainder made use of powder horns and ball 
pouches. 

After completing the necessary preparations for action, the 

*This distinguished veteran is still alive, in the 91st year of his age, and 
resides in the State of New Hampshire. He is one of the three surviving 
j^enepl officers of the revolutionary war. The other two are Maj. Gen. St. 
Clair, who lives in the interior of Pennsylvania, and Brig. Gen. Huntington-, 
«f Connecticut. 



17 

regiment formed and marched about 1 o'clock. When it 
reached Charlastown Neck we found two regiments, halted, in 
consequence of a heavy enfilading fire thrown across it, of 
round, bar, and chain shot, from the Lively frigate, and float- 
ing batteries anchored in Charles river, and a floating battery 
lying in the river Mystic. Major M'Clary went forward, and 
observed to the commanders, if they did not intend to move on, 
he wished them to open and let our regiment pass; the latter 
was immediately done. My company being in front, I marched 
by the side of Col. Stark, who moving with a very deliberate 
pace, 1 suggested the propriety of quickening the march of the 
regiment, that it might sooner be relieved from the galling 
cross fire of the enemy. With a look peculiar to himself, he 
fixed his eyes upon me, and observed with great composure — 
* Dearborn, one fresh man in action, is worth ten fatigued ones,' 
and continued to advance in the same cool and collected man- 
ner. When we had reached the top of Bunker's Hill, where 
Gen. Putnam had taken his station, the regiment halted for a 
few moments for the rear to come up. 

Soon after, the enemy were discovered to have landed on 
the shore of Morton's point, in front of Breed's liill, under 
cover of a tremendous fire of shot and shells from a battery on 
Cop's Hill, in Boston, which had opened on the redoubt at 
daybreak. 

Major General Howe, and Brigadier General Pigot, were 
the commanders ol the British forces which first landed, con- 
sisting of four battalions of infantry, ten companies of grena- 
diers, and ten of light infantry, with a train of artillery. They 
formed as they disembarked, but remained in that position, un- 
til they were reinforced by another detachment. 

At this moment the veteran and gallant Stark, harangued 
his regiment in a short but animated address; then directed 
them to give three cheers, and make a rapid movement to the 
rail fence which ran from the left, and about 40 yards in the 
rear of the redoubt towards Mystic river. 

Part of the grass having been recently cut, lay in winrows 
and cocks on the field. Another fence was taken up — the 
rails run through the one in front, and the hay mown in the vi- 
cinity, suspended upon them, from the bottom to the top, which 
had the appearance of a breast-work, but was in fact, no real 
cover to the men; it however served as a deception to the ene- 
my. This was done by the direction of the ' committee of safe- 
ty ^^ of which James Winthrop, Esq. who then, and now lives in 
Cambridge, was one, as he has within a few years informed 
me. Mr. Winthrop himself acted as a volunteer on^ that day, 
and was wounded in the battle. 

At this moment our regiment was formed in the rear of the 
rail fence, with one other small regiment from New Hampshire, 
3 



18 

Mflcler the command of Col. Reed; the fire commenced betweert 
the lel't wing of the British army, commanded by Gen. Howe, 
and the troops in the redoubt under Col. Prescott, while a col- 
umn of the enemy was advancing on our left, on the shore ot 
Mystic river, with an evident intention of turning our left wing, 
and that veteran and most excellent regiment of Welsh fusi- 
leers, so distinguished for its gallant conduct in the battle of 
JMinden, advanced in column directly on the rail fence, when 
within 80 or a 100 yards, displayed into line, with the precision 
and firmness of troops on parade, and opened a brisk but reg- 
ular fire by platoons, which was returned by a well directed, 
rapid, and fatal discharge from our whole line. 

The action soon became general, and very heavy from right 
to left. In the course often or fifteen minutes the enemy gave 
Way at all points, and retreated in great disorder, leaving a 
large number of the dead and wounded on the field. 

The firing ceased for a short time, until the enemy again 
formed, advanced and recommenced a spirited fire from his 
whole line. Several attempts were again made to turn our left, 
but the troops having thrown up a slight stone wall on the bank 
of the river and laying down behind it, gave such a deadly fire, 
as cut down almost every man of the party opposed to them; 
while the fire fro.m the redoubt and the rail fence was so well 
directed and so fatal, especially to the British officers, that the 
whole army was compelled a second time to retreat with per- 
cipitation and great confusion. At this time the ground occu- 
pied by the enemy was covered with his dead and wounded. 
Only a few small detached parties again advanced, which kept 
up a distant, ineflfectual, scattering fire, until a strong rein- 
forcement arrived from Boston, which advanced on the south- 
ern declevity of the hill, in the rear of Charlestown, it wheeled 
by platoons to the right and advanced directly upon the re- 
doubt without firing a gun. By this time our ammunition was 
exhausted, a few only had a charge left. 

The advancing column made an attempt to carry the re- 
doubt by assault, but at the first onset every man that mounted 
the parapet was cut down, by the troops within, who had form- 
ed on the opposite side, not being prepared with bayonets to 
meet a charge. 

The column wavered for a moment, but soon formed again; 
when a forward movement was made with such spirit and in- 
trepidity as to render the feeble eflTorts of a handful of men, 
without the means of defence, unavailing, and they fled through 
an open space in the rear of the redoubt, which had been left 
for a gate-way. At this moment the rear of the British col- 
umn advanced round the angle of the redoubt, and threw in a 
galling flank fire upon our troops, as they rushed from it, which 
killed and wounded a greater number than had fallen before 



19 

during the action. TIic wliole of onr line immediateiy ^nve 
way and retreated with rapidity and disorder towards Bunker's 
Hill; carrying ofTas mat^y of the wounded as possible, so that 
only thirty-six or seven fell into the hands of the enemy, among 
\vhorn were Lt, Col. Parker, and two or three other otficers 
who fell in or near the redoubt. 

When the troops arrived at the summit of Bunker^s Hill, we 
found Gen. Putnam with nearly as many men as had been 
engaged in the battle; notwithstanding which no measure had 
be .'n taken for reinforcing us, nor was there a shot fired to 
cover our retreat, or any movetnent made to check the advance 
of the enemy to this height, but on the contrary, Gen. Putman 
rode off, with a number of sjjades and pick axes in his hands, 
and the troops that had remained with him inactive during the 
whole of the action, although within a few hundred yards of 
the battle ground and no obstacle to impede their movement 
but musket balls. 

The whole of our troops now descended the north-western 
declivity of Bunker's Hill, and recrossed the neck. Those of 
the New Hampshire line retired towards Winter Plill, and the 
others on toProspect Hill, 

Some slight works were thrown up in the course of the evC' 
ning — strong advance pickets were posted on the roads lead- 
ing to Charlestown, and the troops anticipating an attack, reS" 
led on their arms. 

It is a most extraordinary fact that the British did not make 
a single charge during the battle, which if attempted, -would 
have been decisive and fatal to the Americans, as they did not 
carry into the field fifty bayonets. In my company there was 
but one. 

Soon after the commencement of the action, a detachment 
from the British force in Boston was landed in Charlestown, and 
within a few moments the whole town appeared in a blaze. A 
dense column rose to a great height, and there being a gentle 
breeze from the south-west, it hung like a thunder cloud over 
the contending armies. A very few houses escaped the 
dreadful conflagration of this devoted town. 

From similar mistakes, the fixed ammunition furnished for 
the field pieces was calculated for guns of a larger calibre, 
which prevented the use of field artillery, on both sides. 
There was no cavalry in either army. From the ships of war 
and a large battery on Cop's Hill, a heavy cannonade was 
kept up upon our line and redoubt, from the commencment 
to the close of the action and during the retreat; but with lit- 
tle effect, except killing the brave Maj. Andrew M'Clary of 
Col. Stark's regiment, soon after we retreated from Bunker's 
Hill. He was among the first officers of the army — pos- 
sessing a sound judgment, of undaunted bravery, enterprising. 



20 

ardent and zealous, both as a patriot and soldier. His loss was 
severely telt by his compatriots in arms, while his country was 
deprived of the services of one of her most promising and dis- 
tinguished champions of liberty. 

After leaving the field of battle I met him and drank some 
spirit and water with him. He was animated and sanguine in 
the result of the conflict for independence, from the glorious 
display of valor which had distinguished his countrymen on that 
memorable day. 

He soon observed that the British troops on Bunker's Hill 
appeared in motion, and said he would go and reconnoiter them, 
to see whether they were coming out over the neck, at the 
same time directed me to march my company down the road to- 
wards Charlestovvn. We were then at Tuft's house near 
Ploughed Hill. I immediately made a forward movement to 
the position he directed me to take, and halted while he pro- 
ceeded to the old pound, which stood on the site now occupied 
as a tavern house not far from the entrance to the neck. Af- 
ter he had satisfied himself that the enemy did not intend to 
leave their strong posts on the heights, he was returning to- 
wards me, and within twelve or fifteen rods of where I stood, 
with my company, a random shot, from one of the frigates lying 
near where the center of Craigie's bridge now is, passed di- 
rectly through his body and put to flight one of the most heroic 
souls that ever animated man. 

He leaped two or three feet from the ground, pitched for- 
ward, and fell dead upon his face. I had him carried to Med- 
ford, where he was interred, with all the respect and honors 
we could exhibit to the manes of a great and good man. He 
was my bosom friend; we had grown up together on terms of 
the greatest intimacy, and I loved him as a brother. 

My position in the battle, more the result of accident than 
any regularity of formation, was on the right of the line at the 
rail fence, which aflibrded me a fair view of the whole 
scene of action. 

Our men were intent on cutting downj every officer they 
could distinguish in the British line. When any of them dis- 
covered one he would instantly exclaim ^ there,'' * see that offi- 
cer,'' * let us have a shot at him,'' when two or three would fire 
at the same moment; and as our soldiers were excellent marks- 
men and rested their muskets over the fence, they were sure 
of their object. An officer was discovered to mount near the 
position of Gen. Howe, on the left of the British line, and ride 
towards our left; which a column was endeavoring to turn. 
This was the only officer on horseback during the day, and as 
he approached the rail fence, I heard a number of our men ob- 
serve, Hhere,' ' there,' 'see that officer on horse-back' — ' let 
us fire,' 'no, not yet,' — 'wait until he gets to that little 



21 

knoll,' — ^now' — when they fired and he instantl/ fell dead 
from his horse. It poved to be Major Pitcairn, a distinguished 
officer. — The fire of the enemy was so badly directed, 1 
should persume that forty-nine balls out of fifty passed from 
one to six feet over our heads, for I noticed an apple-tree, 
some paces in the rear, which had scercely a ball in it from 
the trunk and ground as high as a man's head, while the trunk 
and branches above were literally cut to pieces. 

I commanded a full company in action and had only one man 
killed and five wounded, which was a full average of the loss 
we sustained, excepting those who fell while sallying from the 
redoubt, when it was stormed by the British column. 

Our total loss in killed was eighty-eight, and as well as I 
can recollect, upwards of two hundred wounded. Our platoon 
officers carried fusees. 

In the course of the action, after firing away what ammuni- 
tion I had, I walked to the higher ground to the right, in rear 
of the redoubt, with an expectation of procuring from some of 
the dead or wounded men who lay there, a supply. While in 
that situation, I saw at some distance a dead man lying near a 
smajl locust tree. As he appeared to be much better dressed 
than our men generally were, I asked a man who was passing 
me, if he knew who it was. He replied, * It is Dr. Warren.' 

I did not personally know Dr. Warren, but was acquainted 
with his public character. He had been recently appointed a 
General in our service, but had not taken command. He was 
President of the Provincial Congress then sitting at Water- 
town, and having heard that there would probably be an action, 
had come to share in whatever might happen, in the character 
of a volunteer, and was unfortunately killed early in the action. 
His death was a severe misfortune to his friends and country. 
Posterity will appreciate his worth and do honor to his memo- 
ry. He is immortalized as a patriot, who gloriously fell in de- 
fence of freedom. 

The number of our troops in action, as near as I was able to 
ascertain did not exceed fifteen hundred. The force of the 
British, at the commencement of the action, was estimated at 
about the same number, but they were frequently reinforced. 

Had our ammunition held out, or had we been supplied with 
only fitleen or twenty rounds, I have no doubt that we should 
have killed and wounded the greatest part of their army, and 
compelled the remainder to have laid down their arms; for it 
was with the greatest difficulty that they were brought up the 
last time. 

Our fire was so deadly, particularly to the officers, that it 
would have been impossible to have resisted it, but for a short 
time longer. 

I did not see a man quit his post during the action, and do 



22 

not believe a single soldier, who was brought into the field, fled, 
until the whole army was obliged to retreat, for want of pow- 
der and ball. 

The total loss of the British was about twelve hundred; up- 
wards of five hundred killed and between six and seven hun- 
dred wounded. The Welsh fusileers suffered most severely; 
they came into action five hundred strong, and all were killed 
or wounded but eighty-three. 

I will mention an extraordinary circumstance to show how 
far the temporary reputation of a man may affect the minds of 
all classes of society. 

Gen. Putnam had entered our army at the commencement 
of the revolutionary war, with such a universal popularity as 
can scarcely now be conceived, even by those who then felt 
the whole force of it, and uo one can at this time offer any sat- 
isfactory reasons why he was held in such high estimation. 

In the battle of Bunker's Hill he took post on the declevity 
towards Cliarlestoivn neck ; where I saw him on horse-back as 
we passed on to Breed's Hill, with Col. Gerrish by his side. I 
heard the gallant Col. Prescott (who commanded in the re» 
doubt) observe after the war, at the table of his Excellency, 
James Bowdoin, then Governor of this Commonwealth, ' that 
he sent three messengers during the battle to Gen. Putnam, 
requesting him to come forward and take the command, there 
being no general officer present, and the relative rank of the 
Colonel not having been settled; but that he received no an- 
swer, and his whole conduct was such, both during the action 
and the retreat, that he ought to have been shot.' He remain- 
ed at or near the top of Bunker Hill until the retreat, with Col. 
Gerrish by his side; I saw them together when we retreated. 
He not only continued at that distance himself during the whole 
of the action, but had a force with him nearly as large as that 
engaged. 'No reinforcement of men or ammunition was sent 
to our assistance; and, instead of attemptino- to cover the re- 
treat of those who had expended their last shot in the face of 
the enemy, he retreated in company with Col. Gerrish, and his 
whole force, without discharging a single musket; but what is 
still more astonishing. Col. Gerrish was arrested for coivardicey 
tried, cashiered^ and universally execrated; while not a word 
was said against the conduct of Gen. Putnam, whose extraordi- 
nary popularity alone saved him, not only from trial, but even 
from censure. Col. Gerrish commanded a regiment, and should 
have been at its head. His regiment was not in action al- 
though ordered — but as he was in the suit of the Gen. and ap- 
peared to be in the situation of Adj. Gen., why was he not di- 
rected by Putnam to join it, or the regiment sent into action 
under the senior officer present with it. 

When Gen. Putnam^s ephemeral and unaccountable popular^ 



23 

ity subsided or faded away, and the minds of tlie people were' 
released from the shackles of a delusive trance, the circumr- 
stances relating to Bunker Hill were viewed and talked of in a 
verij different light, and the section of the unfortunate Col. 
Gerris/i as a scape-goat considered as a mysterious and inex- 
plicable event. 

I have no private feeling to gratify by making this statement 
in relation to Gen. Putnam, as I never had any intercourse 
with him, and was only in the army where he was present, for 
a few months; but at this late period, I conceive it a duty to 
give a fair and impartial account of one of the most important 
battles during the war of independence, and all the cirum- 
stances connected with it so far as I had the means of being 
correctly informed. 

It is a duty I owe to posterity, and the character of 
those brave officers who bore a share in the hardships of the 
revolution. 
Nothing like discipline had entered our army at that time. Gen. 
Ward, then commander-in-chief, remained in his quarters w 
CamhridgCy and apparently took no interest or part in the trans- 
actions of the day. 

No general officer, except Pwfwam, appeared in sight, nor did 
any officer assume the command, undertake to form the troops, 
or give any orders, that I heard except Col. Stark, who directed 
his rigiment to reserve their fire on the retreat of the enemy^ 
until they advanced again. Every platoon officer was engaged 
in dircharging his own musket and left his men to fire as they 
pleased, but never without a sure aim at some particular object, 
which was more destructive than any mode which could have 
been adopted with troops who were not inured to discipline, 
and never had been in battle, but were still familiar with the 
use of arms, from boyhood, and each having his peculiar man- 
ner of loading and firing, which had been practised upon for 
years, with the same gun; any attempt to control theni by uni- 
formity and system, would have rendered their fires infinitely- 
less fatal to the enemy. Not an officer or soldier of the conti- 
nental troops engaged was in uniform, but were in the plaift 
and ordinary dress of citizens; nor was there an officer ou 
horse-back. (Signed) H. DEARBORN. 



24 

In the forgoing account it will be noticed, as a thing hardly 
to have been expected, that the narrators should have so well 
agreed in all the leading features of their narrations; when, too 
it is considered that they were very little acquainted with each 
other during the revolutionary war, never having served in the 
same corps or division of the army, or been intimate afterwards 
in civil life. In one particular only do they differ, and that of 
little or no consequence as respects the main transactions of the 
day. Heath and Wilkinson state that Gen. Warren fell at 
the commencement of or during the retreat. Dearborn says 
he fell early in the action. 

In this particular the veracity of the narrators are not neces- 
sarily impeached. Heath and Wilkinson were neither of them 
present when the fate of Warren was sealed, and therefore 
must have made their statement from common report, or from 
the best information they could obtain at the time they wrote. 
Dearborn with more correctness tells us how he came by his in- 
formation, for he was not personally acquainted with Warren. 
Seeing a well dressed man dead, he inquired who it was, and 
was told, * It is Dr. Warren.' This was in the course of the 
action, and there could have been no inducement for the per- 
son inquired of to have given wrong information. This ques- 
tion is settled by Dea. Lawrence of Groton, who knew Gen. 
Warren well, * saw him when the ball struck him, and from 
that time till he expired,' and this was during the action. 

But what was not to have been expected, is, that all the 
above accounts should be contradicted and attempted to be in- 
validated by the statement of a Col. John Small of the British 
army, related to Col. John Trumbull in London, and by Trum- 
bull related to Col. Daniel Putnam, the son of Gen. Putnam, 
and published by the latter gentleman in 1818, and is as fol- 
lows: 

*In the summer of 1786 I became acquainted in London 
with Col. John Small, of the British army, who had served in 
America many years, and had known General Putnam inti- 
mately during the war of Canada from 1756 to 1763. From 
him, I had the two following anecdotes respecting the battle 
of Bunker Hill; I shall nearly repeat his words; looking at the 
picture which I had almost completed, he said: ' I do not like 
the situation in which you have placed my old friend Putnam; 
you have not done him justice.* I wish you would alter that 
part of your picture, and introduce a circumstance which ac- 
tually happened, and which I can never forget. When the 
British troops advanced the second time to the attact of the re- 
doubt, I, with other off*icers was in front of the line toencour- 

* The injustice Small here alluded to, was that Trumbull in his picture 
of Bunker Hill, had placed Putnam on the hill above whore the battle was 
and about 600 yards from it. 



25 

age tlie men; we had advanced very near the works undisturbed, 
when an irregular fire, like a feu-de-joie, was poured in upon 
us; it was cruelly fatal. The troops fell back, and when I 
looked to the right and left, I saw not one officer standing; I 
glanced my eye to the enemy, and saw several young men lev- 
elling their pieces at me; I knew their excellence as marksmen, 
and considered myself gone. At that moment my old friend 
Putnam rushed forward, and striking up the muzzles of their 
pieces with his sword, cried out, 'For God's sake, my lads, 
don't fire at tlmt man — I love him as 1 do my brother.' We 
were so near each other that I heard his words distinctly. 
lie was obeyed ; I bowed, thanked him, and walked away unmo- 
lested. 

The other anecdote relates to the death of Gen. Warren. 

' At the moment when the troops succeeded in carrying the 
redoubt, and the Americans were in full retreat. Gen. Howe 
(who had been hurt by a spent ball which bruised his ancle) 
was leaning on my arm. He called suddenly to me: * Do you 
see that elegant young man who has just fallen.'* Do you know 
him?' I looked to the spot towards which he pointed — 'Good 
God, sir, I believe it is my friend Warren.' ' Leave me then 
instantly — run — keep off the troops, save him if possible.' I 
flew to the spot, ' my dear friend,' I said to him, * I hope you 
are not badly hurt;' he looked up, seemed to recollect me, 
smiled and died! a musket ball had passed through the upper 
part of his head. JOHN TRUMBULL.' 

Daniel Putnam, Esq. 

If the story of Small is true, Dearborn is mistaken as to the 
time of Warren's death, and Heath, Lee and Wilkinson, as 
well as Dearborn, are mistaken as to who was the proper com- 
manding officer in the redoubt. They all say Prescott was, 
but if Putnam was present in the redoubt, as Small would have 
it, then was he the commander, being senior to Prescott. 

There is considerable reason, from the face of Small's story, 
to induce us to doubt its correctness. The conversation be- 
tween Putnam and Small, considering the time, place and situ- 
ation of the parties, is unnatural. It Putnam was desirous of 
saving the life of Small, from former acquaintance and attach- 
ment, there could be no good reason why he should not have 
made him a prisoner as was his duty, and certainly in his power. 

It is not probable that this conversation should have taken 
place, and eight hundred persons present in the redoubt, and 
within hearing distance, and no one then or since heard a word 
of it till 1818, thirty-three years after Small says it happened. 
The other part of Small's story relating to the death of General 
Warren, is not more probable from the face of it. Warren was 
ni>t a young man, as Small calls him, having received the hon- 
4 ' 



25 

(yts of Harvard University in 1759, he was at least middle ag- 
ed. Small calls Warren his friend; this implies a previous and 
intimate acquaintance. How could this have been; Warren 
was not in the War of Canada, and from the time Small arrived 
in Boston in 1775, to the day of Bunker Hill battle, Small was 
besieged in Boston, and Warren presiding in the Provincial 
Congress at Watertown. 

It may be from the face of Small's story to Trumbull, that 
Trumbull has mistaken his story, but probable that the whole is 
the mere rodomontade of Small. It has always been ac- 
knowledged that Gen. Howe was the bravest among the brave, 
and exposed his person more that usual on that day, but Small 
surpassed him, for when Howe thought it prudent to retire from 
the scene of butchery, Small remained exposed and alone, and 
uselessly so. 

If these observations together with the impartial narratives 
of four general officers of the American army, are not sufficient 
to entirely invalidate Small's statement, there is further and suf- 
ficient proof to destroy it. The following statement of Deac- 
on Lawrence, under oath, goes directly to the point. 

'I, Samuel Lawrence, of Grotton, Esquire, testify and say, 
that I was at the battle of Bunker Hill, (so called) in Col. 
William Prescolt's regiment; that I marched with the regiment 
to the point on Breed's Ilill, which was fixed on for a redoubt; 
that I assisted in throwing up the work, and in forming a re- 
doubt, under Col. Prescott, who directed the whole of this op- 
eration. The work was begun about nine o'clock in the eve- 
mng of June 16, 1775. I was there the whole time, and con- 
tinued in the redoubt, or in the little fort, during the whole 
battle until the enemy came in and a retreat was ordered. 

Gen. Putnam was not present either while the works were 
erecting, or during the battle. I could distinctly see the rail fence 
and the troops stationed there during the battle but Gen. Put- 
nam was not present as I saw. Just before the battle com- 
menced. General Warren came to the redoubt. He had on 
a blue coat, white wistcoat, and I think a cocked hat, but, of 
this I am not certain — Col. Prescott advanced to him, said 
he was glad to see him, and hoped he would take the command. 
Gen. Warren replied, 'no, he came to see the action, but not 
to take command; that he was only a volunteer on that day.' 
Afterwards 1 saw General Warren shot; I saw him when the 
ball struck him, and from that time until he expired. No Brit- 
ish officer was within forty or fifty rods of him, from the time the 
ball struck him until I saw he was dead. 

(Signed,) SAMUEL LAWRENCE.* 

Sworn to before Samuel Dana, Justice of the Peace, &c. 



. The following statement of Samuel R. Trevett, pointedly 
contradicts Col. Small's story. 

' I commanded a company of artillery from the town of Mar- 
blehead, attached to Col. Richard Gridley's regiment, station- 
ed at Cambridge. About one o'clock in the afternoon of the 
17th of June, 1775, 1 left Cambridge with my company, for 
Bunker's Hill. When about a quarter of a mile tVom the Col- 
leges, I saw Gen. Putnam pass upon a horse towards the town 
of Cambridge, and in 15 or 20 minutes I saw him pass in like 
manner towards Charlestown. " When I arrived at Bunker's 
Hill, on the north west side, I there saw Gen. Putnam dis- 
mounted, in company with several others. I halted my com- 
pany, and went forward to select a station for my pieces, and 
on my return, saw Gen. Putnam as before; the American and 
English forces being then engaged. I proceeded on with my 
company, and soon after joined that part of the American force 
at the rail fence, towards Mystic river, the Americans com- 
menced a general retreat. As I was descending the north- 
west side of Bunker's Hill, I again saw Gen. Putman in the 
same place, putting his tent upon his horse. 1 asked him 
where I should retreat with the field piece I had brought off: 
he replied to Cambridge, and I accordingly marched my com- 
pany to Cambridge. 

In the month of May or June, 1795, being in the island of 
Guernsey, I had occasion in the course of business to call up- 
on Maj. (alias Col.) Small, the Governor. After closing my 
business with him, he remarked that my countenance was not 
new to him, and inquired where he had seen me. I replied, 
that it must have been at Col. IngersoII's tavern in Boston — 
and that I had once been opposed to him in action. He im- 
mediately entered into a free and general conversation on the 
battle of Bunker's Hill, — but he made no inquiry after Gen, 
Putnam, nor did he in any way, either directly or indirectly^ 
allude to him, either as a friend or an officer. 

SAMUEL R. TREVETT." 

Boston, June 2, 1818. 



28 

Jlffidavit of Robert Bradford fVilkins. 

' I, Robert B. Wilkins, of Concord, count_y of Rockingham, 
State of New Hampshire, do testify and say, that I acted as a 
private soldier in the battle of Breed's Hill, otherwise called 
the battle of Bunker's Hill, on the 17th of June, 1775; that I 
was attached to Capt. Levi Spaulding's company, of Col. Jas. 
Reed's regiment. That I was on that day, stationed at Charles- 
town, below the neck and on the main street, that our compa- 
ny proceeded from thence on to Bunker's Hill, over the hol- 
low and on to Breed's Hill, that after our company arrived at 
the works, near Mystic river, I was sent back on an errand, 
by the Captain, to the house where we had been stationed, and 
on returning by a route nearer to the neck, than that we first 
passed, I saw Gen. Putnam with Col. Gerrish, as near as I 
could judge one hundred rods from the line and troops I had 
left; that the firing with small arms commenced after I return- 
ed the second time; that in the action the enemy were three 
times repulsed; that in the interval between the second and 
third repulse, I received a severe wound from a musket ball in 
my right elbow joint, for which wound, I have since received 
a pension from the government of the United States; that I 
then left the field of battle just before the retreat of the Ameri- 
cans from the fort, and passed on to Bunker's Hill, where I 
found Gen. Putnam and Col. Gerrish in nearly the same place 
where I first saw them; that I was then almost exhausted from 
the loss of blood; that Col. Gerrish gave me some refreshment 
and bound a handkerchief around my arm at the place of my 
wound, and sent two men to assist me over the neck, who left 
me before I had cleared the neck, and I fell and lay on the 
ground, until nearly all the Americans had retreated from the 
hill, when I was helped oflf. I served from the commencement 
to the close of the revolutionary war, and acted successively as 
a private, a sergeant, ensign and lieutenant. 

ROBERT B. WJLKINS.' 

Sworn to before Samuel Greene, Justice of the Peace, 
May 30, 1818. 



29 

Rev. Dr. William Bentley'^s statement. 

Salem, May 20, 1818. 

' I was with Gen. Stark on the 31st of May, 1810. I al- 
ways had a deep interest in the man, and usually kept a notice 
of the subject of our conversation. I found him in great good 
humor, and soon upon his old war stories, which I did not take 
care minutely to preserve, because Maj. Caleb Stark had told 
me he was collecting every thing worthy of the public eye, and 
to be published after his father's decease, and in due honor of 
his memory. As among other objects, I intended to get a like- 
ness, and was uncertain of success, among the maps, prints, 
and papers I carried him, were some portraits, and among them 
was one of General Putnam. I recollect upon the sight of the 
head of Gen. Putnam he said * My Champlain' as he called 
me, you know my opinion of that man. Had he done his duty, 
he would have decided the fate of his country in the first ac- 
tion. He then proceeded to describe to me the scene of action 
and the ^pen^ as he called the enclosed works, and breast works, 
and gave his reasons for not entering it, and the want of judg- 
ment in the works. He then told me where he saw Gen. Put- 
nam and what was done on the occasion, and his remarks were 
as severe as his genius and the sentiments of ardent patriotism 
could make them. As Gen. Stark always used the same lan- 
guage on the subject, it will be recollected by manyofhia 
friends. WILLIAM BENTLEY.' 



30 

CertiJicaU of the Rev. Daniel Chaplin, D. D. of Groton, and 
Rev. John Bullard of Pepperell. 

* This may certify the public, that we whose names we have 
given, were in the habits of intimacy with Col. W, Prescott, of 
Pepperell, a man of the strictest integrity during most of the 
period after he left the revolutionary army until his death; that 
at sundry times in conversation with him about the war, par- 
ticularly about the battle of Bunker Hill, so called, he uniform- 
ly told us, that Maj. Gen. Warren came to the fort on Breed's 
Hill, which had been formed the night preceding, a little be- 
fore the British made an attack on the works; that he. Colonel 
Prescott, said to Gen. Warren, * I arn happy to see you, Gen- 
eral,' or using words to the same effect, ' for you will now take 
command, and I will obey your orders and am relieved.' Said 
Gen. Warren to him, in reply, ' I have no command here, Col. 
Prescott, I am a volunteer, I came to learn actual service.' 
Prescott said, ' I wish then you would look at the works we 
have thrown up, and give your opinion.' Warren replied — 
* You are better acquainted with military matters than I am.' 
After which they immediately parted, and met not again. Col. 
Prescott further informed us repeatedly, that when a retreat 
was ordered and commenced, he was descending the hill, he 
met Gen. Putnam, ond said to him, ' why did you not support 
me, Gen., with your men, as I had reason to expect, according 
to agreement.' Putnam answered, ' I could not drive the dogs 
up.' Prescott pointedly said to him, ' If you could not drive 
them up, you might have led them up.' W^e have good reason 
to believe further, from declarations of some of our parishoners, 
men of respectability, whose veracity cannot be doubted, who 
belonged to Col. Prescott's regiment, and were present thro' 
the whole service, that Gen. Putnam was not on Breed's Hill 
the night preceding, or on that day, except that just before the 
attack was made, he might have gone to the fort and ordered 
the tools to be carried off, that they might not fall into the 
hands of the enemy in the event of his carrying the works, and 
holding the ground, and that he and his men, with Col. Ger- 
rish, remained on the side of Bunker Hill towards the neck 
during the whole action. 

(Signed,) DANIEL CHAPLIN, 

JOHN BULLARD,' 

Groton, June 5, 1818. 



31 

Statement of the Hon. Mel Parker^ Judge of Probate. 

* As I was in the battle on Breed's Hill, otherwise called 
Bunker's Hill, on the 17th day of June, 1775, and there receiv- 
ed one ball through my leg, another having passed through 
my clothes, all accounts of that battle which I have seen pub- 
lished, have been to me extremely interesting. But I have never 
seen any account which I considered in any degree correct, un- 
til the one published by Gen. Dearbon. On perusing that ac- 
count with the utmost attention,! could discover but one mistake, 
and that related to his assertion, ' that there was not a man that 
flinched,' or to that effect, for his narrative is not now before me, 
and even in that case, I believe the General's assertion may 
be strictly true, if his meaning be confined to the time after 
his arrival on the hill. Previous to that, there were many who 
left the ground at the fort, particularly at the landing of the 
British troops; but after the commencement of the battle with 
small arms, I know of no man's leaving his post, until the order 
to retreat was given by Col. Prescot. But notwithstanding 
the correctness ofGen. Dearbon's description ofthat battle, some 
persons seem to be much exasperated by it, in particular as 
to what he asserted in regard to Gen. Putnam. As long ag 
they confined themselves to mere declamation, without bring- 
ing forward any evidence to disprove the General's assertion, 
I deemed it unnecessary for me to appear in vindication of the 
General's statement. But on perusing a letter from Col. Trum- 
bull to Col. Putnam, wherein mention is niade of a conversa- 
tion with Col. Small in London, I concluded, notwithstanding 
my aversion to taking any part in a newspaper discussion, that 
to remain any longer silent, would be absolutely criminal. I 
shall, therefore, in as concise a manner as possible, state what 
I know relating to that memorable battle. Immediately after 
the battle of Lexington, I engaged in the service of my coun- 
try, in Capt. John Nutting's company, in the regiment com- 
manded by Col. Wm. Prescott. Both of these officers belong- 
ed to the town o^ Pepper ell, where I then lived. I was at this 
time a little more than twenty-two years of age. On the 16th 
day of June following, Col. PrescoiVs regiment with two or 
three others, were ordered to march and take possession of 
Bunker's Hill. On our arrival at the place called Charles- 
town neck, a halt was made, and Capt. Nutting's company, 
with ten of the Connecticut troops, were detached to proceed 
into Charlestown as a guard; the remainder marched to the 
hill, which in fact was Breed's, and not Bunker's Hill, where 
they commenced building a small fort. In the morning, not 
far from sun-rising, the alarm was fired from the British vessel 
lying in the river. Sometime after this, Nutting's company 



32 

left the town, and marched to join the regiment on the hill. — 
When we arrived there, the fort was in considerable forward- 
ness, and the troops commenced throwing up the breast-work 
mentioned by Gen. Dearborn. We had not been long em- 
ployed in that work, before the cannon shot from a hill in Bos- 
ton, and the vessels lying in the river were poured in upon us 
in great profusion. However, the work progressed until it 
would answer the purpose for which it was designed. But the 
firing from the British artillery continued with unabated tury. 
Sometime before this, there was brought to the fort several 
brass field pieces, one of which was actually fired towards Bos- 
ton; but the ball did not reach the town. It had this efl'ect, 
however, on the British, that it made them double their dili- 
gence in firing upon us. In the time of this heavy fire, I, for 
the first time that day. saw Gen. Putnam standing with others, 
under cover of the north wall of the fort, where, I believe, he 
remained until the British troops made their appearance in 
their boats. At this time the artillery was withdrawn from the 
fort, but by whose orders I know not, and Gen. Putnam^ at, or 
near the same time, left the fort. The removing of the artille- 
ry, and Gen. Putnam^s departure, took place a little before (if 
my memory be correct) the New Hampshire troops made their 
appearance on the hill. I saw them when they arrived, and 
witnessed their dexterity in throwing up their breast-work of 
rails and hay. When the British first made their attack with 
small arms, I was at the breast work, where I remained until 
I received my wound from the party who flanked it; I then went 
to the fort, where I remained until the order to retreat was given 
by Col. Prescott. After my arrival at the fort I had a perfect op- 
potunity of viewing the operations of the day, and noticed Col. P. 
as the only person who took upon him any command. Ho fre- 
quently ordered the men from one side to the other, in order to 
defend that part which was prest hardest by the enemy; and 1 
was within a few yards of him, when the order to retreat was 
given; and 1 affirm, that at that time Gen. Putnam was not in 
the fort, neither had he been there at any time after my enter- 
ing the same; and I have no hesitation in declaring, that the 
story told by Col. Small to Col. Trumbull, concerning Gen. 
Putnam's saving him from the fire of our men at that time, is 
altogether unfounded. ABEL PARKER.' 

Jeffrey, N. H., May 27, 1818. 



33 

Gen. Wilkinson in his account of the battle says, ^he has been 
assured that the Massachusetts and New Hampshire troops 
were the only ones engaged in the action. — This is a mistake, 
and probably arose from the fact, that Captain Knowlton of the 
Connecticut line, with four lieutenants, and one hundred and 
twenty men, marched onto the Hill on the evening of the 16th 
of June, 1775, with Col. Prescott, and were considered a part 
of his command of one thousand men. Botta in his * History 
of the war of the Independence of the United States of Ameri- 
ca,' considers Prescott, Starke and Knowlton as separate com- 
manders of the allied forces engaged. He says, ^ The troops 
of Massachusetts commanded by Col. Prescott, occupied 
Charlestown, the redoubt, and part of the trench; those of Con- 
necticut, commanded by Capt. Knowlton, and those of New 
Hampshire, commanded by Colonel Stark, the rest of the 
trench. 

Capt. Knowlton was a native of Asihford, Conn., and during 
the seige of Boston was promoted to a majority, and command- 
ed the party which burnt the residue of the buildings in Charles- 
town, in the night time, which service was performed to the 
approbation of the commander-in-chief, under the lire of the 
enemy's batteries on Bunker's Hill, which they had fortified 
and then occupied. During the occupancy of New York, by 
Washington, he was promoted to a Lieut. Colonelcy; and af- 
ter the unfortunate, if not disgraceful retreat of the Americans 
from that city, the enemy appeared before our lines at Harlem 
Heights, when Knowlton was personally calledon by Washing- 
ton to meet and check their advance, and enspirit our dejected 
army, which he did with alacrity and great animation. In this 
renconter he lost his valuable life. 

He was a brave and intelligent officer, and an ardent and 
upright patriot; always first among equals. 

His four Lieutenants were, John Keyes, Huntington, 

Thomas Grosvenor, and Esquire Hills. Keys and Hills were 
both from Ashford,* and in 1818 were both alive and residing 
in the State of New York. How long they continued in the 
army, or to what rank they attained during the war of Inde- 
pendence is not known. But Keyes, after the war, had the 
title of General, and Hills that of Captain. By their cotempo- 
raries they were considered excellent officers. 

Huntington was afterwards promoted to the rank of Brig. 

* Godfrey Grosvenor, Esq. of Minot, formerly of Connecticut, believes 
Gen. Huntington to have been one of Knowlton's Lieutenants. Lemuel 
Grosvenor, now P. M. of Pomfret, Con. now 83 years old, and who was in 
the army at Boston, is not certain ; but names the three above, ind if Hun- 
tington was not one, he does not recollect who was. 



^ 



34 

General on the continental establishment, and left tha army at 
the close of the war with that rank. 

Grosvenor, at the close of the war, commanded a regiment 
on the continental establishment. Both the latter gentlemen 
during their military career, were always respected and some- 
times distinguished as the rapidity of their promotions would 
indicate. In civil life they were highly respected. They 
were both living in Connecticut since the year 1818. 

Such a corps as Knowlton's, and thus officered, deserve to 
be noticed as the compeers of Prescott and Stark. 

Knowlton lost more men in the action, than any corps of the 
army engaged in the action on Breed's Hill, according to the 
jQumbers he commanded. 



35 



From the foregoing accounts it may be persumed that all the 
facts relative to this important day, of sufficient magnitude to be 
transmitted to posterity are to be found. And at least one mis- 
take rectified. This relates to an individual, Colonel Samuel 
Gerrish, who till this day stood high in the public estimation. 
He had been an officer of respectable standing in the French 
War, and then recently elected unanimously by the Provincial 
Congress, the first Colonel in the Masachusetts forces. After 
this battle he was arrested for cowardice, tried cashiered and 
universalhj execrated. No one in the army at the time, who was 
acquainted with the transaction, believed him guilty. The 
general opmion and conversation was that the army on that day 
were guilty of many sins, and Gerrish being the largest man in 
il, was selected to make the atonement. 

The late Judge Tudor who acted as Judge Advocate to the 
Court Martial has publicly and repeatedly said that he consid- 
ered Col. Gerrish as very hardly dealt by. Col. James Scam- 
man, who commanded a regiment on that day, from the County 
of York, and arrested, tried and acquitted of the same charge, 
always declared when speaking of Gerrish's fate that any offi- 
cer in the army might have been found guilty of the same offence 
with as much justice as Gerrish. These individual opinions 
were not considered by many of sufficient weight, to balance 
the opinion of a Court Martial and to rescue the character of 
Gerrish from infamy — although it may be admitted that ail 
Courts, and espcially Court Martials, are often influenced, if 
not governed, by feelings and prejudices, and sometimes by 
corruption. But when Gen. Dearborn who always acted with- 
out tear or reproach, adds his opinion in favor of Gerrish, there 
seems to be no sufficient reason why he should not be fully 
credited. 

It is true Gerrish remained on Bunker Hill, out of the fire 
of the enemy during the action, and so did fifteen hundred oth- 
er officers and privates, who should have been in the action, 
among whom was at least one Major General. It was never 
pretended that Gerrish was ever ordered by this general offi- 
cer to go into action; but on the contrary, this general was de- 
sirous to fortify Bunker's Hill, instead of defending Breed's 
Hill, which was then attacked; and eventually carried for the 
want of these very fifteen hundred men, who could have re- 
lieved those engaged in five minutes march. The reason Gen. 
Putnam says this was not done, was that he could not drive the 
dogs ivp. 



36 

The motives which actuated Gen. Dearborn in making this 
statement, in favor of the mal-treated Gerrish, at the time he 
did, should be duly appreciated, as nothing but his respect for 
truth, and his object that of rescuing the character of an hon- 
est patriot from unjust and cruel censure, could have induced 
him to make this statement. 



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